Peace Hilary Tumwesigire (centre), a publisher from Rwanda flanked by Zimpapers staff

Ruth Butaumocho Gender Profile
When most people survive from gender-based violence, they often withdraw into a cocoon and find it difficult to reach out to individuals who may be in similar circumstances.

After surviving from gender-based violence from her first marriage, 39-year-old Peace Hilary Tumwesigire from Rwanda did not fret nor regard herself as a victim.

Instead, she used her experience as a launch pad to create awareness around gender-based violence in Rwanda.

It meant working with everyone from the ordinary villager up to powerful organs like the Rwanda Ministry of Defence to generate discourse around the trials and tribulations of gender-based violence.

Her determination and perseverance have become a source of inspiration to her countrymen and women who now enjoy the fruits of her efforts.

Today she is a publisher and a managing director of a publication, titled the Family Magazine, that focuses on gender-based violence and health among a litany of issues that bedevil the modern day family.

Family Magazine that is currently written in one of the local languages in Rwanda – Kinyarwanda – also has a section that does documentaries and film screenings of gender-based productions in some parts of rural Rwanda.

She is also a well-known television host in Rwanda of a family television station.

“Once societies eradicate gender-based violence in communities, peace and economic development become achievable.

“Until that happens, our societies will often be riddled with all social vices, which are often as a result of gender based violence,” revealed Peace during an interview in Harare recently.

Peace was in Zimbabwe recently on Women in News (WIN) media exchange programme that seeks to mentor, coach and equip women in media with leadership skills.

Peace who boasts nearly two decades of media experience believes that women are able to contribute effectively in all sectors of the economy and bud productively socially in a violent free environment.

The positive environment will eventually cascade throughout, Peace affirmed.

For someone who worked with the uniformed forces while writing for the Rwandese Ministry of Defence magazine, Ingabo, for the better part of her journalism career, it became clear to Peace, that the gender-based violence discourse could not be relegated to policymakers alone but needed concerted efforts from everyone.

“Being a woman and a civilian, among the uniformed forces was no mean task.

“During my first days I was ridiculed for daring to speak against gender-based violence. Some of the soldiers would even pass sexist remarks, which were meant throw me off the course,” she recalled.

It was at that point that Peace realised that although the country boasted of good gender mainstreaming and inclusion policies, there was still low uptake and implementations of the legislations.

Armed with nothing but a conviction to change the mindsets of uniformed forces, Peace engaged her bosses and lobbied for a gender desk for the Rwanda Defence Forces, which was a crucial arm within the ministry.

The provision for a gender desk was already on paper, but it had not been implemented. Having convinced them on the merits of such a move, the gender desk was eventually established in 2005, paving way for a lot of mainstreaming initiatives,” she said.

When the defence ministry magazine she was working for folded in 2009, Peace had already made a name as a passionate gender activist, who was bringing transformational change on the gender discourse in the country. It would only be a matter of time before she would unleash herself to the world.

She joined a human rights organisation that closed its doors three years later. It was during that period that period that Peace consummated her decision to register a magazine.

“I realised that I just could not continue to be in the shadows of big organisations. I now needed a platform from where I could disseminate information and engage my country people on what needs to be done to reduce gender based violence.”

With no funding, except her laptop, Peace created a blog and starting posting articles on women’s issues. By the end of 2012, she started receiving responses from diverse readership on her articles.

“People from my country want to read about issues pertaining to families. Following the genocide that tore my country apart for years, family is an important and integral unit in all our communities.

“While the rural communities do not read the magazine because of internet connectivity, they are able to share the same narratives from the film screenings and documentaries that we regularly show,” she said.

The popularity of the magazine influenced the establishment of a family television station in 2014 and the owner invited Peace to anchor one of the shows that tackles family issues, with a special focus of gender equality.

“Through my television programmes, film and documentaries as well as the magazine, we have managed to build a strong clientele that understands and appreciates the importance of eradicating gender-based violence.

Coming from a country touted as one of the leading nations in gender equality ahead of United States and United Kingdom, Peace has not struggled to get the necessary support both from her government and even the international donor community.

In Rwanda there are swathes of laws that give women the right to inherit land, share the assets and the country currently boasts of the highest number of women in Parliament in Africa.

Such a supportive structure allows women like Peace to dream more and contribute so much to sustain the momentum.

“I am already planning to expand the product in East Africa. We have since started publishing in English, with plans afoot to have similar editions in French and Swahili,” said the married mother of three.

For feedback Email — chinhemaruva@gmail.co

Saviour Kasukuwere may survive a thousand Politburo inquests, but on the ground, it seems the people are ready for him

Herald Correspondent
A BITTER sweet autumnal breeze brushes the golden grasslands of the Mount Darwin countryside signalling the coming of a certain winter of frostbite and shivers.

The land is embattled by the oncoming winter that can perhaps be rivalled in comparison only to a Game of Thrones George R.R Martin-type winter.

And the message is clear. Winter is coming.

But perhaps more embattled is the political doyen of the area, who should normally be the political adhesive and powerhouse for the ruling party Zanu-PF, Saviour Kasukuwere.

Never, in the field of modern day local politics, has a political commissar of the party, himself meant to be a cohesive agent to the party, been instead divisive.

And since a wave of protests broke out against him, including in his home province, his opponents and the people have played with him as a cat plays with its food. Toying with him. Piercing him but not taking the one step further to expunge his political career.

And last Wednesday again the sword of Damocles was left hanging over him.

But perhaps to see what his prospects were in surviving both the Politburo battle as well as the party position, it was necessary for The Herald to make the arduous journey to the home of his political fortunes to gauge the will and voice of the ordinary people.

The corridors of power at Zanu-PF Headquarters may have an opinion, which is a long time coming, but how does he fare in the court of public opinion in his own constituency?

After all the popular notion goes vox populi vox dei (the voice of the people is the voice of God). For whatever decisions are reached at the high offices in the corridors of power, if they do not resonate with the will of the people, the party faces dire prospects in the electoral process, especially in the case where Saviour Kasukuwere, popularly known as Tyson after boxing legend Mike Tyson, is supposed to help shape the party’s position going into the next poll.

Embattled and beleaguered, it is here that the political fortunes of commissar Kasukuwere were born when he broke into mainstream politics promising public service and people centred servant leadership to much pomp and fanfare.

After all, he is their son and had grown up among these thickets. His feet had felt the sharp pain of being pierced by the wait-a-bit-thorn-bushes like every child here. And like every child here, his name was etched on the rocks and boulders that constitute the topography that makes Mount Darwin such an enigmatic beauty to the eye.

Do the people still have faith in their man?

“Definitely not,” says a staunch and unflinching old man, Ruwizhu who claims to have seen the rise of Tyson.

“We hear what is being said about him and have seen him transform his family home into something palatial but precious little can be said about his service to the ordinary people. So when people allege that he is not prudent with public funds then you can’t help but believe them because you see him live the wealthy life,” he added smoking diligently at a thick pipe.

His drinking mate as they imbibe on opaque beer, Manuwere, cannot help but concur.

“We went and said we wanted him out and up to this day we see his case is being deferred all the time there in Harare. What is so special about him? When we say we want him out we want him out but whatever happens the party (primary) elections are coming and we will make sure we push him out for good. If they want him in Harare where they are keeping him then they shall vote for him there and keep him,” he says.

It is a stern warning even to the powers that be.

However, the Politburo decides in this long drawn out case of the fate of Tyson, one thing may be darkly apparent. This political Colossus, who calls himself the Tyson of politics and dares all before him describing the maternal natures of journalists in unprintable colourful brazen words may not have to worry about an equally mighty force giving him the sucker punch.

It may well be these fragile old men, with gap teeth, old worn out pants and hand-me-down clothes from the second hand market, who may give him the ultimate blow.

Like the Biblical Goliath who succumbed to an unlikely David, it may be the poor seemingly powerless ‘povo’ armed with nothing but their poverty and democratic vote that may send him packing.

“And that connection with Mafios is a reviled combination. They think they hold the power in their hands and hold sway but we are saying it is the people and we have had enough of their nonsense,” added Manuwere.

With the hills swallowing the sun, it was time to rest before another day of finding the word of someone, who perhaps could attest to the good that Tyson may have done. A devil’s advocate perhaps. After all, there were many young people who had said “I’m with Kasukuwere” in the political battles that had broken out in the province and his constituency in particular.

And the morrow came.

“I don’t think he will win. He has been there long enough and the whole issue that he is fingered in corruption has tainted him. He may be a strong political figure, but we all know what happened to Runaida (Joice Mujuru), who had even done more for her constituency than Kasukuwere and was even bigger in the party as a potential up-and-comer, but she has become nothing. If she could go I don’t see how this one will stay,” said Alfred, a youth from the area.

He was right. In the game of political chords and cymbals, Joice Mujuru is Michael Jackson and Saviour is Tito Jackson. If a stronger person fell what more the less powerful Tyson?

His friends, also having their drinks of choice, concurred. Everyone was wary to have their full name interrogated.

“He is still powerful and if you have killed a cow you know it becomes even more powerful and deadly when it is taking its last breath or cornered. We don’t want to be left exposed in these last days,” he said.

“He built a clinic, yes. But it was him overseeing the building from funds donated to the community and not his funds as many seem to believe, but the quarry companies. And even then murmurs persisted around the prudence of those fund’s handling,” he added.

“If Harare (presumably the party) exonerates him, it will be like a hen lying on a rotten egg, which is futile because it will never hatch. It is just prolonging his eventual fall at the hands of the people ku party!”

Evidently, the political commissar’s political fortunes have not only hit rock bottom. But they have started to dig!

The Devil, in all his lack of glory, stands a better chance of getting a bouquet of roses from Mount Darwin voters than Saviour (Kasukuwere). If anything the political commissar ironically needs a saviour for his public service career.

“His sister operates paSarah. Perhaps try calling her as a constituent because we hope she sees what her two brothers Saviour and Dickson have done to us,” revealed Alfred.

A call to his sister Sarah elicited fumes of anger. She was at a funeral.

“I am mourning a sister and don’t concentrate on politics. However, you people at The Herald keep calling Mafios our brother. He is not our brother and he (Mafios) personally has even made mention of that; they are boys from Matope Village.

“That does not make us blood relatives and you as a credible newspaper should not report hearsay and village gossip as fact. Mafios is a Mafios and has his own father and mother and we have our own. It is disrespectful to the Mafios people and to the memory of our dear father to keep calling someone an illegitimate child who is one of us when he isn’t,” she said.

The line went cold.

But it was telling. His sister had chosen to defend the cold memory of her late father and his honour than to defend her living brother choosing that he fight his own wars.

Saviour (Kasukuwere) may survive a thousand Politburo inquests. But on the ground, it seems the people are spoiling for a bloody fight at the polls.

Political bookmakers might as well start predicting how long the Waterloo may reach Tyson; it certainly seems in sight.

Can this man lead a whole party to the polls as the political commissar when his own backyard has blood on the political dance-floor? That is a question for another day. What is certain is winter is coming. And it is going to be a cold and blistering one for Tyson.

ZDF Commander General Constantino Guveya Nyikadzino Chiwenga – File Pic

Gen. Constantino Chiwenga Commander Zim Defence Forces
THE reason we need to speak is about our land, from which we came from. On Creation, those who are Christians, or those who are not atheists, you are aware that God created everything but at the end created the Garden of Eden. It’s there in Genesis. And then took the mud, kana kuti watinoti munyakwe and built what is now called the human being, and breathed into him to bring him to life. That’s our forefather.

That is the beginning of people, Adam.

After many years, God found that man alone, Adam wanted someone to be with him; to cherish him, to be friends with him.

And so he was put to sleep and the rib was taken from Adam and Eve was created.

But they were put in the Garden of Eden, and what resembles the Garden of Eden today is every nation: that’s your Garden of Eden.

In Zimbabwe, from the Zambezi to the Limpopo – like our national anthem says – that’s our Garden of Eden, which has got everything.

Besides us human beings, it has got mountains, rivers, trees, all types of trees, grass, the creatures, from the ants and those that creep on the ground, the ones which can walk, birds which can fly – everything.

From the beginning, man was given dominion over them. So us as Zimbabweans we have dominion over these. And if we have dominion over these, all these, what we can’t see underneath, our natural resources,

What we see – our natural resources, birds, animals, trees, everything we see – that is what God said we must protect. The names were given long back.

We have our country, Zimbabwe, where there was order from the beginning. Where order was not observed, the individual was sanctioned; there was punishment that was meted out on those who would have not followed the rules and regulations as defined from time to time by the emperor, the king, the chiefs – whoever was in charge at any given time.

Everything had to with this being our land; that is number one.

Two, the resources which are there belong to the people.

So each and every one would say this is my land, these are our resources. But those resources were exploited with order.

After the Berlin Conference, 1884 to 1885, on 13 February when they signed the Berlin Treaty, the Europeans who had undergone industrialisation at that time, all agreed that they wanted to build their capitals, their countries, and decided to come to the rich black Africa and partition it.

That was against the will of the black people. Remember we had also suffered the Slave Trade. This was the second suffering, we had to get.

Here in Zimbabwe the whites were never welcomed, like they were never welcomed in most, if not all, African countries.

But the difference is, in 1890 when Colonel Pennefather and Leander Starr Jameson came in heading the Pioneer Column after having been assembled at Mafeking by Cecil John Rhodes to come to our country, our forefathers never accepted them.

Yes, in every nation you get sellouts, you get quislings, you get people who have nothing to lose. If their treasure, what they cherish as a nation, is taken away by a stranger, some people don’t care because they are born like that.

In 1893 war was fought from Matabelaland.

But the actual war first started in Masvingo at Fairfields, going to Mvuma, to Lalapanzi, that’s where Mugandani fell with his regiment which was in Mberengwa.

Those who had crossed the Shangani River, led by this chap who did reconnaissance, Allan Wilson, they were butchered.

But then artillery came from all the forts heading for the capital, Chingururu – as Lobengula was known on this other side of the land – then retreated.

Mukwati – if this war was not co-ordinated how then could Mukwati come all the way from Matabeleland to Mhondoro to see Gumboreshumba, who was possessed by the Spirit of Kaguvi?

He came to say Chingururu, Lobengula, has fallen. These whites want to fight.

And together they went to Mazowe, kuGomba, to say hondo kuno uku yatanga.

They fought. The first white to be killed here was killed in Mazowe. And Mbuya Nehanda and those chiefs – today we would call them generals – they all came to Dzivarasekwa.

This was the last pitched battle to be fought here, and they were defeated because they were fighting in pockets.

Mashayamombe after he had overrun the fort of the whites and captured the women, he was also defeated. And then they went to Chingaira, Makoni.

Reinforcements were coming through Beira.

Starting with Munyarari Zimunya, they decapitated him. That’s why vachiti Munyarari wakachekwa, handiti?

Makoni was defeated.

But the war did not stop. Even with the hanging of Mbuya Nehanda and Sekuru Kaguvi in 1898, war still continued.

There was Kadungure Mapondera: 1904 he was then captured in Mutoko and that’s the end of Chimurenga I.

It is called the War of Chindunduma. This is because people could not bury their dead. They just rotted like animals.

So inonzi vanhu vakandunduvira kusvikira vaputika, kusvika vadyiwa nezvikara zvesango pasina anokwanisa kuviga mumwe.

But what is it that they were fighting for? They were fighting for their heritage -the soil, ivhu. That’s what they were fighting for.

And in this soil, that’s where the natural resources are, God-given natural resources.

When you have your children, they will grow and they will say one day I also want my own stand, I also want my field, I also want my area where I will keep my cattle, my goats, my sheep, my donkeys, my everything.

Unfortunately, the country does not expand. What we were given remains like that.

So they fought and this is the same spirit that 60 years later inspired the people to start the Second Chimurenga, this time much more clever than they were, more united, disciplined.

There is a lot that informed the struggle, but people were determined to take back their land.

What is it that motivated the war? There are two things.

They wanted to be independent like any other country that has got self-rule, to determine who should rule you. One man one vote, as our elders would say.

The second grievance was economic emancipation, and land is at the core of that emancipation.

So you see the issue of the land, the issue of independence, goes back to 1890 when the whites came here.

Those two reasons never changed.

The other things which came in, the brutality to suppress the black person, where some of the grievances were used to strengthen the cause of the national grievances.

Otherwise the national grievances always remained two: our land and our independence.

This is what has caused all those mass graves.

Of all liberation movements in Southern Africa, there is no liberation movement that has as many mass graves as Zimbabwe.

Mozambique, everyone goes there to see Nyadzonya where thousands were put in mass graves; boys and girls buried together, those children who had followed to Mozambique, who we called vatoto, buried in the same mass graves.

It’s inhuman to bury people in one grave but there was no choice. It was better not to do like veChindunduma wehondo yekutanga.

They were near Pungwe River. Some were swept by the river. Some died in the bushes and were never discovered, and they just rotted there.

Today people come across skeletons and ask, ‘‘who is this person?’’ And they try to figure out how that person died.

Today Nyadzonya is a shrine.

It’s the same at Chimoio where a museum is now being built so that generations upon generations to come will remember that here lie the gallant fighters of Zimbabwe. Why did they die? For their land.

The same with Tembwe in the Tete province of Mozambique.

We are just mentioning these but wherever there were Zimbabweans, be it at Doroi, be it at Chibawawa. There are massive graves; people dying of hunger, people dying of disease. Maybe some are better because they are in single graves – but there are so many.

Across in Zambia, you go to Freedom Camp, it is the same thing. There you can see the roll of honour of the Zambians who died together with the Zimbabweans; buried in those mass graves.

You go to Mukushi in Kabwe. There are so many other smaller areas where people died. Even in Angola where the Rhodesians went to attack. I’m coming from Angola and they have not finished the demining, and we shall also go there to honour those people, to say our people were bombed here, and mark those areas for posterity and for the generations to know.

They were fighting and dying for those two issues: the land and our independence, our sovereignty.

During the negotiations, the issue of the land was so topical that it consumed most of the time. If I’m not mistaken from October right up to December in 1979.

We were discussing land.

And true, our leaders said we can never repay a thief. You steal my bicycle, or my motor vehicle and say because I didn’t have a licence at that time then the vehicle is yours?

No, the vehicle still belongs to me.

On a compassionate basis we can say okay, because you are a thief and you built something on land that you stole from me, we can compensate you only for what you built.

But not for the land.

So our leaders showed they have a human face. They said fine you are thieves but if you developed something, we compensate but not the land.

We came holding our national flag and we were independent but we were not independent in terms of that economic emancipation of which we said land was at the core.

And the reasons for that are known.

Members of the Frontline States came and the President had to make an unthinkable decision.

They said if you take the land now it means bloodshed in South Africa, bloodshed in Namibia. Remember, South Africa had taken Namibia as its own colony.

So the Frontline States presidents, the late Nyerere, late Samora, Kaunda, said no you can take the land later, not now.

So South Africa gets independence in 1994, but the British were still dilly-dallying and we took the land in 2000.

We said now we want our land. Our people must be moved from those mountains.

Some of us, it pains, because our people were driven to unthinkable areas; the Svosve people were in very difficult areas.

When we moved, together with the ex-combatants, to take the land, there was joy.

In the meantime the whites were taking all the equipment; centre pivots, tractors, breaking them down into scrap and were going.

You can go across Zambia and you will see equipment which was moved from here.

Little did we know that most of the garages where tractors were being serviced were owned by these farmers, and so the equipment dried up.

Even financial institutions at that time could not support land reform.

There were so many other things which were done to build our agriculture: Operation Maguta, farm mechanisation programmes.

All these were efforts to develop agriculture.

But none has reached the extent of Command Agriculture.

Government is not paying a cent for that. The money is coming from Zimbabweans themselves. Now financial institutions, individuals, various funds all coming together.

We will see this coming season it will be even more. Funds of every kind – be they insurance, be they pensions – they will be coming; congregating under the Office of the President and Cabinet.

God has also said we understand you and has opened the skies.

And for the first time since the year 2000 this is the only time we have had our own food and we don’t have to import.

Whatever cent we get from our industry or manufacturing sector, be it tourism, be it mining, it will now go back to the development of the country and not to take that money and import food.

So we ask the question: Who is saying this is a bad programme? A programme which has been spearheaded, approved by the Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, Head of State and Government, His Excellency the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

You go and say no that is not right?

He pronounced himself in Marondera when he was addressing the youth. He pronounced the same thing in Manicaland.

And you say no, this is now bringing Communism.

What is Command? Command means you are commanding yourself to do a thing, not that you are being commanded by somebody.

We are not slaves here. We are doing these things for ourselves and the future generations. We have to change our work ethics.

Now we see some of these people, they have farmed 80 hectares with inputs – seeds, fertilisers – from Command Agriculture, and they are talking of a bumper harvest.

You are talking of people not bringing maize to the GMB. Where is that coming from?

The financiers are giving straight to the farmers, and there are people down there who are supervising to make sure that the maize, the crop goes to GMB.

So where does the Government lose? The Government is not going to lose anything.

And in any case the interest rates are very low. In 2016-2017 they were 5 percent but this coming year they are going to be 4 percent.

We want to see our people now becoming rich from the soil. Hupfumi hunotangira pavhu. Kana munhu afunga kuti hupfumi hunotangira kubva ku mining kana ku industry, kwete ku hunotangira pavhu then other things follow later because chakatanga ndicho chakatanga.

When our people are well fed, have enough food for themselves, they are now able to go and work in industry, to go and work in the factories, to go and work in the manufacturing sector, to go and work in infrastructure development, to go and work with a smile in the tourism industry, to work with vigour in the mines, because they have eaten well.

When they are hungry you cannot expect that. A hungry person is a dangerous person.

So these people who are talking against Command Agriculture, linking it to unthinkable things, they are no different from those in Sodom and Gomorrah; ma homosexuals aya.

Where Lot’s wife akaita churu chemunyu.

If a person cannot command himself and thinks he does not belong to this country; he’s an alien, he belongs to another planet. He should go to that planet – leave the people of Zimbabwe alone.

We know very well that this a project which is being well funded.

If we put all that person’s articles together we can surmise that they have bought the editorial policy of that paper.

We have fought a bitter armed struggle and we have never seen it that whatever was discussed at the High Command was leaked to the cadres. What was discussed at the Central Committee of the party was respected and they would tell the cadres what they need to know.

They could argue and no one would ever talk.

We were in the front. We would meet the commanders and sometimes dis-agree on strategy but it would never reach the ears of the fighters.

Even those who were there to record what was being discussed would never open their mouths.

Now before a meeting is complete we already see it on Twitter. What is that?

Discipline has been completely lost. Now it shows when individuals come and say I will destroy, not only the party, but the entire system from inside.

The papers are there for everyone to read.

We say enough is enough! This nonsense can no longer be tolerated at all.

People have perished because of this land, ivhu ndiro rakafira vanhu.

At Independence when we came back, we had to bury 157 skeletons at Dzivarasekwa. Ndiyo our first Heroes Acre iyi, vataiti those vakandunduvira, vasina akaviga, vakadiywa nezvipuka zvesango.

Imagine from 1896 only to bury them in the ‘80s? Then somebody comes in to say no, this thing does not work.

Iwewe saani?

You think you can divide people, kuita divide and rule, and bring confusion to the people. No, it doesn’t work like that.

Mweya uyu wauya uyu wekwana Sodom ne Gomorrah wengochani uyu, ngaudzokere kwawakabva, unoda kupumhwa, uende kwawo.

Zimbabwe inyika yakadiwa naJehovah, handiti? Ine hupfumi husingapere.

And programme iyi tichaitsigira and tinoitsigira tichitsigira Commander-in-Chief wedu kuti inotofanirwa kutoti iitike kusvika yapera.

Pakambenge paiswa makore matatu ka, iye zvino akawedzerwa kuita mashanu, kuti tigadzirise food security yedu.

Zviri muZim-Asset izvozvo, nyaya yefood security, yenutrition.

To achieve it we must be able to command ourselves.

Hauende kunopfugama woisa maoko mudenga woti Mwari achadonhedza chikafu. Nguva yezvihuta nemanna yaana Moses yakapfura.

Mwari muGenesis, tateguru atadza, akati uchadya cheziya, handiti? Saka tirikudya cheziya.

Yes, you must be commanded to do something for yourself. Nobody is going to work for someone.

What we cannot do is to continue to buy food when we have such rich soils.

So freedom yes, but freedom must be with discipline.

People may ask why the Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces is speaking about these things.

I will ask: are we not citizens of this country?

And in any case who is doing this on the ground together with the people?

In the OPC there is VaMupamhanga who chairs the subcommittee which is working under the Ministerial Committee which is chaired by the VP. Chairman. VaMupamhanga is deputised by Air Marshal, helping.

If we build colleges and universities and study strategy then where is that strategy going to be utilised?

You think strategy is only for war? Strategy is also for survival.

And food security is one of the pillars of national security. The military has a duty to assist in building the economy. When you attack the economy you become an enemy of the State.

And this Command Agriculture, did it favour any political party or did it favour all Zimbabweans? Does hunger choose which party it must affect?

This guy who is vomiting that nonsense, didn’t he get support from Command Agriculture?

He has some other forces behind him? Hasn’t he written in his books that he is going to destroy from within?

We read. We are all educated. We read.

He has said that.

Everyone must see. He rebelled before. Not once. He rebelled when we were in the struggle, he ran away. When he was here he did all his nonsense, his column in The Financial Gazette.

And in his book, when he was teaching, in his commentary on why he went to America – we know.

When he left and went independent, was he repentant?

And we know now that the tweeting is coming from Baba Jukwa and company; we know that.

But I think he has got to where we wanted him to. Let me leave it at that.

This is excerpted from an interview Herald Editor-in-Chief Caesar Zvayi and Sunday Mail Editor Mabasa Sasa had with Commander Zimbabwe Defence Forces General Constantino Guveya Dominic Nyikadzino Chiwenga in Harare on June 26, 2017.

Minister Chinamasa

Yesterday we carried a story in which Finance and Economic Development Minister Patrick Chinamasa revealed how a Cabinet minister had approached a local weekly with a story attacking Government’s Command Agriculture Programme, Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the programme’s financier, Sakunda Holdings.

Not merely that: Cde Chinamasa revealed that the said minister, whose identity is not a secret really, had assisted in the editing of the story that was published in The Standard newspaper. We were shocked to learn of this intelligence. Minister Chinamasa is an honest and forthright person and we have no reason to doubt him.

In fact, he appears to have been driven into these revelations because it cut very close to the bone and had the effect of compromising the smooth running of not only the programme, but also Government at large.

We are mortified by the fact that the subversion in the ruling party, Zanu-PF, has reached such alarming levels where people within the party and Government go to extraordinary lengths to undermine each other and Government itself. This is happening against a background of concerns about leaks of Zanu-PF Politburo and Cabinet meetings and serious misrepresentation of the same.

Connected to this have been concerns by the party and President Mugabe over the conduct of officials in discussing party matters on social media and the private media.

We recall that a fortnight or so ago security at the venue of the Politburo — the Zanu-PF Headquarters in Harare — had to be tightened to ensure no mobile phones went into the conference room.

The Politburo meetings, once so confidential as to be mystical, have now been reduced to some free for all. Members of the media today end up with detailed and intimate details of Politburo deliberations.

And we know some senior members have been conveyor belts of such confidential information for purposes of advancing personal and factionalist agendas.

The latest revelations that a minister hand-held and directed a private newspaper to undermine a Government programme is a matter of grave concern that we believe authorities are now seized with.

This must not go unpunished.

We have the reasonable suspicion that the same officials who have not only been tweeting away their defiance of party orders, but have also lately gone to town not only criticising, but deriding the Command Agriculture programme as “Ugly-Culture’’ are behind the latest reprehensible developments.

In the not-so-distant past they were outed by WikiLeaks as having been hobnobbing with Western envoys in the cover of the night.

We suspect further that as we speak they feel untouchable and eternally glad for it.

We appeal to relevant authorities to stop this madness.

It cannot last forever.

To this end we welcome the statement by Commander Zimbabwe Defence Forces General Constantino Chiwenga that such nonsense can no longer be tolerated.

Zimbabweans need to be assured that national security and stability of Government are guaranteed and it is remiss when some individuals begin to feel they cannot be bound even by the Cabinet Handbook.

We submit our objection to what we clearly feel is a misleading notion that there are sacred cows and rogues that must be kept inside the tent and piss on the outside for fear that if pushed out they will piss inside.

National interest is bigger and in this particular case, State security and the smooth operation of Government are in clear and present danger.

Something has to give.

Twenty-one million and three hundred thousand (21,3 million). That is the current number of refugees worldwide, according to UNHCR. This is more than double the population of the UAE.

We have become so desensitised to numbers that the human tragedy of the current global refugee crisis escapes us, and it all blurs into meaningless statistics. But what does it actually mean to be a ‘refugee’?

The UN’s Refugee Convention, defines a refugee as a person who ‘owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership to a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country.’

A refugee is therefore someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence, and who most likely cannot return home or is afraid to do so. This means leaving behind, possibly forever, everything you know and hold dear. It means lost fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, and friends. Lost homes, toys, and dreams. Lost education. Lost opportunities.

Being a refugee could therefore be equated to having lost one’s future. All plans, hopes and dreams are put on hold, replaced only by uncertainty and fear. However, at Dubai Cares we believe that ensuring a refugee child’s education reduces some of this uncertainty. Education gives girls and boys the tools and skills to change their future and the future of their country. Going to school can bring back lost safety and normality.

In 2015, Unicef stated that, if children do not receive the required educational support to rebuild their lives and gain essential skills, they are at risk of being trapped in multi-generational poverty.

This would also fuel social instability and compromise prospects for recovery. Children who no longer either attend school or receive any informal education opportunities not only lose the immediate opportunity to learn academic and social skills, but their productivity and potential lifetime income also decline correspondingly.

Refugee children often bear the brunt of their unstable circumstances.

According to UNHCR, half of primary-age refugee children are out of school and three quarters of secondary-age refugee children do not have access to education.

The loss of human capital, through poor education and health, will therefore inflict long-term damage on productivity and labour market opportunities for these children.

In addition, access to education is an important element to the successful integration of refugee populations into their host communities as the disruption to normal life and insecurity inherent in refugee and displacement camps can harm children’s physical, intellectual, psychological, cultural, emotional and social development with long-term consequences to their welfare and that of their future children.

In an effort to bring education to refugee children, Dubai Cares is aiming to generate safe and predictable learning environments through its Education in Emergencies strategy. Its cornerstone is testing educational models and practices to generate evidence for global actors about the best methods and practices to provide education in emergency contexts.

All programmes in line with this strategy are context-specific and cater to the unique needs of the refugee communities. These programmes aim to compensate lost education opportunities for refugee children, and guarantee their future well-being.

On World Refugee Day, we have to realise that the current number of refugees is the most it has ever been. We need to unify our efforts as members of the global community and put an end to the refugee crisis.

Because children are the builders of the future, we can make their future brighter by funding programmes, particularly Education in Emergencies programmes.

Investing in a child’s education is a deed that can last for a lifetime. Only through determination can this aspiration become a reality. – Gulf News

A woman ponders her next move after being evicted from her home

Fourie Revai
The issue of property rights in marriage has hogged the limelight for a long period.

In Zimbabwe all marriages are presumed to be out of community of property and this basically means that whatever property acquired during the subsistence of the marriage is not subject to joint ownership and belongs to that party upon whose name it is registered.

Parties to a marriage may however enter into what is known as an ante-nuptial contract where they can clearly spell out any terms and conditions in respect of the matrimonial property.

The challenges particularly manifest in respect of immovable properties which include houses and residential stands. More often than not, situations arise where residential properties acquired during marriage are registered in the name of one spouse; invariably the husband.

This applies even where both parties have equally contributed financially or otherwise to the acquisition of the property. At law, a person’s ownership of immovable property is evidenced by registration. An owner acquires what are known as real rights thus has power over the property which include disposing the property through means such as sale, pledge, mortgage and donation.

A lot of cases have been brought before the courts where one spouse would have disposed or mortgaged matrimonial property registered in that spouse’s name.

The judicial call has been for a change in law. Indeed the need is repeated here. The Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for equality and non-discrimination and this includes the equal treatment of women and men (Section 56).

In terms of Section 26 of the Constitution, the State has a responsibility to ensure that there is equality on the rights of spouses during marriage and at the time of dissolution.

This certainly extends to equality in the ownership of properties acquired during the subsistence of a marriage. The situation on the ground is however different. Our common law protects the right of ownership hence as long as there is no joint-registered ownership; a spouse in whose name the property is registered can legally dispose of the property.

Any contribution by the other spouse as far as purchase or development of the property is not recognised in so far as to prevent the disposal of the property in such circumstances.

The rights of the unregistered spouse are called personal rights which can only be enforced as against the registered spouse only and not the third party involved in the disposal.

In a recent decided case in the high Court of Zimbabwe (Madzara vs Stanbic Bank Zimbabwe limited and 4 others), a woman discovered that her husband had obtained a loan from a bank and provided their matrimonial house as security against payment of the loan (mortgage bond).

The husband subsequently failed to service the loan and was successfully sued by the bank and the house was due for sale to enable the bank to recover the outstanding debt. She then applied to the court to set aside the sale as she claimed she was the “real” owner of the property having immensely contributed to its acquisition.

The woman’s legal team proffered very solid arguments including but not limited to equal protection of the law, non-discrimination, marriage rights protection and some cultural hindrances inhibiting women from registering matrimonial properties in their names.

The bank’s position was that the law recognised the rights of the registered person and there is nothing at law that prevent women from registering immovable properties in their name or for spouses to have joint ownership.

It further argued that the woman had personal rights as against her husband hence she was free to claim any share from him. The court lamented the continued dichotomy between property rights and matrimonial property rights.

The court once again repeated the need for legislative reform which is long overdue. That there is need for urgent law reform cannot be overemphasised.

There is certainly a need for the protection of the matrimonial home or property as same plays a pivotal role in the family setup. The Constitution is very clear on equal treatment and protection of women and men; the legislature’s wheels must simply move.

In other countries like Canada, a matrimonial home cannot be disposed, pledged or mortgaged without the consent of the other spouse despite the registration status of same. Similarly we need amendments to our marriage laws to reflect such a position.

The courts have identified the gap which they rightfully state cannot be filled by the activism of judges alone but certainly cries for law reform.

As justly put by Justice Tsanga in the Madzara case, our law must clearly define and prevent the alienation of matrimonial property through sale, mortgage, pledge or debt. Conditions and exceptions to its disposal must also be provided which may include consent and court orders.

More importantly the law must also provide a clear protection where the matrimonial property is not jointly registered. By extension, the enactment of such a law will also put responsibility on lenders with regard to mortgaging matrimonial property.

A call is thus being made to the legislature to intervene in this important area which is at the core of our family law. This will certainly bring the much needed certainty and smiles on the faces of mainly women who often find themselves at the receiving end of the position of the law as it stands.

•  For feedback, questions and comments please feel free to email – zwla@zwla.co.zw Look out for the next article in this column next week and the Kwayedza every Thursday. For a 24 hour response to Gender Based Violence issues, call our toll free number 08080131: hotlines 0776736873 / 0782900900

Most refugees are reluctant to return home

Elias Bou Saab
Last year, images of desperate refugees, many of them children, stirred our collective conscience and prompted world leaders to take action. But a year of political upheaval has diverted media attention from refugees’ plight.

Against the backdrop of Brexit, terrorist attacks, and national elections in the United States, France, and Britain, we have lost sight of the fact that the refugee crisis is getting worse.

Last week, on World Refugee Day, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is launching its #WithRefugees petition, to remind governments that they must work together to end the crisis. Indeed, a renewed sense of urgency is needed.

All refugees and asylum-seekers need help, but children are especially vulnerable. One of the best ways to mitigate their plight is to provide them with an education. And yet host countries, which are often near war zones, have struggled to integrate refugee children into their education systems.

Among UNHCR-registered refugees, including those fleeing from Afghanistan and Somalia, 3.75 million children – 900,000 of them Syrian – are not in school.

All told, the chance that a refugee child will be deprived of schooling is five times higher than the global average. This is a stain on the international community. It is crucial that refugee children receive an education, so that they can someday return to their home countries with the skills and knowledge needed to create functioning states.

One young refugee girl I met wants to do just that. When I asked her about her future plans, she told me that her dream is to become an engineer so that she can rebuild her country.

Education is also a vital instrument for combating violent extremism, which can capture the minds of young people with no hope for the future. And school attendance is essential for children’s welfare, because it gives them access to basic health-care services and protects them from the horrors of child labour and prostitution.

Fortunately, countries such as Greece, which is on the front line of the refugee crisis in Europe, are now adding more permanent education provisions to their refugee-care model. But, in Lebanon, we have had to resort to creative thinking to accommodate the influx of refugees from Syria.

When Syrian refugees first arrived, Lebanon’s education system was already in need of repair and reform. Now, Lebanon is host to some two million migrants, including 1.5 million Syrian refugees, in addition to its population of 3,75 million. With one refugee for every two citizens, Lebanon is dealing with a massive increase in demand for public services such as health care and education.

In addition to the 250 000 Lebanese students in the state school system, the Lebanese government has had to find a way to educate 450 000 Syrian children.

To help meet this need, we have created the Reaching all Children with Education (RACE) initiative, focused on improving access to formal education for Syrian refugees and underprivileged Lebanese. Because it is crucial that we provide an education for all children, we have had to stretch our resources as far as possible.

Today, many school-age Syrian refugees are studying under the same teachers as their Lebanese peers, and many of our schools are running double shifts in mornings and afternoons to accommodate refugees.

So far, Lebanon has already accommodated around 40 percent of all UNHCR-registered school-age refugee children. Annually, this outlay costs approximately $343 for a Syrian child studying in the morning shift, and $550 for a child in the afternoon shift. It is neither fair nor sustainable for Lebanon to shoulder this burden alone.

Although the 2016 Supporting Syria and the Region Conference in London garnered aid pledges totalling $12 billion, many of these funds have been severely delayed or have never materialised. A recent study from the children’s charity Their World finds that just $400 million of the $1,4 billion pledged for education has been delivered.

It is difficult to confirm if individual governments are meeting their pledges, but it has become abundantly clear that the international community overall is moving far too slowly. We cannot keep starting and stopping children’s schooling while waiting for funding.

The longer children are out of school, the harder it becomes to get them back in the classroom and on track to complete their studies. Beyond meeting its funding commitments, the international community needs to increase its investment in mobile and scalable education technologies.

For example, remote-learning tools would be especially useful for educating children in refugee communities. One good teacher would be able to reach anywhere that has satellite technology, solar-powered computer hardware, and an interactive live feed.

This is the idea behind Teach to Reach Remote Classrooms, a UNHCR-funded distance-learning program overseen by the Varkey Foundation. With TRC, a teacher in a studio in Ghana’s capital, Accra, can live-stream lessons to around 300 school-age refugee children, many of whom have fled conflict in Côte d’Ivoire and now attend a primary school in the Ampain Refugee Camp in western Ghana.

These displaced children are now catching up on their basic education, while also learning the language of their host country. And they will be well positioned to pursue secondary or higher education in the future.

TRC shows what governments, charities, and the private sector can accomplish through creative collaboration. But politicians must step up and take action. Leaders around the world, especially those who have been recently elected, should put responding to the global refugee crisis at the top of their agendas.

To that end, I was proud to join the Atlantis Group as a founding member. After launching at the Global Education & Skills Forum this year, we are bringing together former education ministers and heads of state from around the world to advise governments and policymakers on tackling the major issues of our time, not least refugee education.

The world cannot expect a small group of countries on the borders of war zones to bear sole responsibility for displaced people. To solve the refugee crisis, countries that are fortunate enough to have peace and security must do their part. – Project Syndicate.

Workmen packing grain bags at a GMB depot recently

Patrick Chinamasa Special Correspondent
THE headline article of The Standard newspaper raised a number of issues regarding the design and implementation of the Command Agriculture programme.

These issues were raised, discussed and resolved during the design and inception of the programme, especially the first maize crop of the 2016-17 season. I am therefore glad to clarify the following.

The Command Agriculture programme was designed to solve a fundamental problem facing our country in the aftermath of the land reform, that of mobilising sustainable and affordable funding for our agriculture so as to ensure food security, eliminate imports of food to increase exports from this sector and reduce poverty. The 2016-17 harvest sets the stage for achieving this goal.

Let me thank Sakunda Holdings, for thinking out of the box and coming forward to assist Government. If many more local private sector companies rise to the challenge, this country is poised for the African renaissance.

The Ministry of Agriculture has a database of all the beneficiaries of Command Agriculture, which database is expanding as more farmers seek to benefit and as more activities are added. As of now, apart from maize we have added wheat, soyabeans and livestock.

No farmer benefits unless they are registered in the database. The financing terms under Command Agriculture are at an all-inclusive interest rate of five percent with a tenure of one year, to allow farmers to sell their produce. We looked around in Zimbabwe and abroad, no banking or other institution could match these terms, which are ideal for the agricultural sector. I wish our banks could offer affordable terms to farmers so that in future such programmes could be done through normal banking channels.

Just like the Command Agriculture term sheet which we have already verified that no other lender can match, we have verified that prices for inputs under Command Agriculture are the most competitive, much lower than most retail suppliers because they benefit from bulk buying. We will continue monitoring market conditions to ensure that Command Agriculture does not distort the market and that farmers access inputs at the most competitive prices.

With assistance from the Command Agriculture programme, our farmers are now accessing medium-term loans at low interest rates for purchasing equipment for Command Livestock and developing irrigation.

As we all know and is prudent, any lending institution would require collateral, which security our farmers cannot afford at this stage. We, therefore, agreed to provide security to all farmers under Command Agriculture in the form of non-tradable Treasury Bills and a small part through the NocZim Debt Redemption Fund. The Treasury Bills are not tradable until maturity and which time they will be released as farmers honour their ob- ligations.

Under Command Agriculture, all farmers are required to pay back the loans. A stop-order scheme has been designed with GMB and other stakeholders to facilitate farmers paying back the loans. The programme is not at all free for the beneficiaries.

As Treasury, any Government programme we fund, we do it with the respective line ministry. In this case, the Ministry of Agriculture is leading in the implementation of Command Agriculture.

Like any other large national projects, all other arms of Government including the police, army, et cetera, are engaged to ensure effective implementation and under this programme, to avoid side marketing and other forms of indiscipline.

We have lately incorporated periodic reviews as key exercises in the implementation of this programme so that we adapt the programme to evolving circumstances and ensure Government gets back its money.

Finally, when our forefathers were dispossessed of their land, the Smith regime provided subsidies and soft loans to nurture its farmers for many years. Let me also point out that every country the world over provides some form of subsidy to their agricultural sector.

This is a statement by Finance and Economic Development Minister Patrick Chinamasa in response to the article in The Standard newspaper on Command Agriculture.

Jacquline Magwenzi Our Children, Our Future
When defining child poverty, conventional definitions based on household income for example, do not adequately convey the level of deprivation that children suffer.

This is because children experience poverty in their physical, emotional, mental and spiritual environment. Thus going to school without having had a meal, for example, will impact their physical, mental, emotional and possibly spiritual development. In this way child poverty is disempowering to children.

Energy poverty is one aspect of poverty that affects children and whose impact is far reaching as it relates to the development of children and subsequently our society in general.

Unfortunately, it is seldom measured when measuring poverty. Energy poverty is the lack of access to modern energy services and is fundamental to improving the quality of life and for economic development.

In 2013 the population was just over 13 million with over eight million having no access to electricity. Most of this population is in the rural areas where only 13 percent have access to electricity.

Forty-one percent of the population without access to energy is under the age of 15, which is significant. By looking at energy poverty in more detail, specifically in terms of energy for cooking and energy for lighting, we can get a clearer picture of what this means for our children and subsequently our economy.

The availability and source of energy for lighting impacts the health and productivity of a child. Children with no access to energy for lighting are disadvantaged in terms of the time they have to do school work which in turn affects their productivity.

The energy source used for lighting and cooking affects children’s health as they are more prone to respiratory diseases as a result of using dirty fuels.

This is because in Zimbabwe there is an 18 percent chance of children under five contracting respiratory illness in households where children are present in the room where wood or dung fuel is used during cooking.

This is confirmed in the Sustainable Energy for Children in Zimbabwe where over 90 percent of children recorded with ailments in ARI, asthma, TB, eye diseases and burns were from households that had poor energy sources for both lighting and cooking.

Unavailability of adequate energy for cooking hampers child development as they face the likelihood of having poorly prepared meals or going without some meals in some cases.

Children are also the ones tasked to gather biomass for cooking in households that use biomass. Thus more time is spent looking for firewood or dung and this time increases as the resources become scarce.

This is also becoming true for children in urban areas where more of the population is turning to wood for cooking. As the economy struggles it is unlikely that everyone will have access to energy using conventional sources anytime soon. Alternatives are therefore sought and one hope for our children is in the use of renewable energy.

Renewable energy is defined as energy that is generated from natural processes that are continuously replenished. As such it has the potential of not running out. This is unlike conventional energy sources which are finite and can run out with continued use.

Zimbabwe is fortunate to have options for getting our children out of energy poverty by investing in additional energy sources and technologies such as solar, hydro and wind.

The population is willing to invest in renewable energy, however, there are multiple barriers that hinder them.

Barriers include access to information on available and appropriate renewable energy technologies which is affected by availability of ICT infrastructure in turn dependent on availability of electricity. It is a vicious circle.

Other barriers are the lack of renewable energy services in the remote areas, as well as appropriate funding modalities for the poorer segment of the population.

It is hoped that the launch of the Renewable Energy Policy by the Government of Zimbabwe will solve some of these issues by ensuring that the environment is conducive to investment in renewable energy technology.

It is also hoped that institutions serving children such as schools and clinics will be prioritised in the electrification of the country. Lastly, it is hoped that those that have been left behind that is the children who make up 41 percent of the population without access to modern energy will be brought to the same level as other children in Zimbabwe with access to electricity.

This is because the future of Zimbabwe will be secured when every child is afforded the opportunity to reach their full potential through access to renewable and modern energy.

• Jacquline Magwenzi works in the Social Policy and Research Section at UNICEF Zimbabwe

ZRP

Sharon Hofisi Legal Letters
In Shona folklore, the eponymous judge, Justice Jackal, allows us to always seek to temper justice with mercy. Justice Jackal is more than an animal. He is also personified as a superhuman judge – he transcends all human thinking in the resolution of disputes.

A story is often told of a man who was on his usual business – hunting and trying to get some to take home. In the thick of the forest, he heard the heavy sounds of an animal in excruciating pain – a lion. With much bravery, he goes to investigate why the king of the jungle would await its obvious death sentence in such a cruel manner.

The lion pleads with the man to rescue it from the cage. The adage goes – a caged lion is harmless. The man ignores the adage, saves the lion and banks on the promise that he would have his life preserved – the lion will preserve the sanctity of human life.

In no time the lion summons its strength to attack the man. He manages to escape the claws aimed at his apple – the Adam’s apple. Lion vows that the man will definitely breathe his last. In very few milliseconds, the man will kiss goodbye to this beautiful mother earth.

Death -flesh separated from the soul and the spirit. The man is in a critical situation – chimonauswa in our Shona way of describing a situation where a human feels like a fly – caught in the web of the spider – obviously awaiting the death sentence.

He proposes a win-win solution to the lion – ask some three animals. No human, it it is proper that a lion should kill and eat a man who rescues it. In a comedy of scenes a cow gives lion the greenlight to kill the man.

A dog also urges man to let the lion kill him so that the dog will feast on the man’s bones. Reason? Man used to be unthankful when the dog captured game. The dog would be given bones and man would eat the meat. So lion must eat the flesh and the dog continue to eat “the bones”.

The saviour animal is the thin Jackal. Man wanted to bypass the animal. It was very thin. Lion boomed and ordered the man to ask jackal. The jackal listens to man’s narration attentively. He also asks lion to confirm man’s version of events. The lion becomes the complainant, the man the accused person, and the Jackal, the innovative judge.

The facts have been proffered to the judge. The law is to be applied by the judge. He calls for a court visit to the crime scene, which is called at law an inspection in loco. Lion confidently jumps into the trap. Man is asked to confirm is that was the state of events. Man affirms the position.

Lion even volunteers to lock the trap – chizarira to be precise. The judge asks the lion if the man indeed rescued him. Lion affirms the position. The result follows the cause. The judge asks the man to narrate what was transpiring when lion was in a trapped state.

“My Lord, I was going on my own errands. I wanted to look for food for my starving family. “ The lion, angry and famishing, retorted, “Unlock this trapping door. I want to eat you quickly. Jackal will eat your bones. Dog will chase jackal away. The cow will taste your ‘dry’ blood. Today you will join your ancestors.”

Judge Jackal asks lion to be silent as the verdict is passed. The man is told in clear terms, “proceed with your journey”. The judge also surprises the lion with the verdict – remain in that position. “Goodness is the only investment that pays. Another man will possibly rescue you.”

The resolution of traffic offences calls for the invention of a Judge Jackal. One proceeds when a robot is amber and is told “wapinda late amber”, or “ranga rava red ka iri (the robot was already red)”. A spike is placed under the front tyres.

Another is already in a traffic light circle – the robot turns red before he could have the opportunity to turn. He is stopped – the reason is that the circle’s space only allows for two vehicles. A dispute arises between the officer and the alleged traffic offender.All the other officers join in. No motorist is brave enough to join in for fear of being charged with obstructing the course of justice. Further, he/she will be late for work or his/her appointment.

A citizen is being manhandled in some situations. Under normal situation, he can also file a case of assault on the part of the police officer. A very material issue that relates to the role of the traffic police officer in enforcing the constitutional mandate of the Zimbabwe Republic Police would arise in this regard.

A great deal of what is expected of the traffic police officer is to be gleaned from the provisions of the Constitution, itself the grundnorm or supreme law of the national law. The police are obliged enforce the laws of the country by considering the provisions of the Constitution, as the measure of the conduct of the citizen and the State official. This can simply be referred to under two words – vertical accountability.

There have been concerns in the not-so-distant past on some clarifications about roadblocks and integration operations between the ZRP, Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC).

The ministry responsible for police operations made an attempt to explain the differences between spot checks, and highway patrols and the standard roadblock. A link between these roadblocks and the mooted integrated roadblocks was also explained.

The reality on the ground is very different. The ministry must meet the people in the streets to solicit their concerns. It is very easy to lay the basis for roadblocks on air. The facts are scanty. Situations are not presented as they happened.

Urgent concerns relate to the state of the roads and the state of the vehicles. It is not easy when the road is the driver. The police must hearken to this fact. Some vehicles are in bad shape not because of the motorist’s fault.

Further, and most importantly it is evident to a traffic officer that a traffic offender is not a criminal. He or she is an offender of some traffic regulations or laws – failure to wash a vehicle, failure to carry a spare wheel, insecure fittings, and failure to put the correct reflector on the appropriate part of the vehicle, and so on.

Even in criminal proceedings, there is the first party and the second party – the language used to refer to the parties who will be involved in an accident. The use of the term “accused” is only meant to fit in the common usage of such a term. It is convenient to say State versus Accused Traffic Offender.

Because the traffic offender is not like a recidivist or some miscreant who robs, steals, rapes, kills or unlawfully enters into premises, the traffic officer must have this in mind when dealing with the alleged offender.

The road user must be treated with dignity. It was explained that some road users may traffic humans or drugs, and to that extent can be arrested through spot checks. Those situations are not wholly endemic. This is because there are criminal offences that are committed by dangerous housebreakers who do not use vehicles.

Basic principles of justice demand that the offender be treated as such – mwana haaroverwi kunzi aba nzungu, asi kuti nzungu hadzibiwi. A plain dilemma exists to the alleged offender: firstly, maintenance of law and order is done by the police detail who does not form a precise notion of the degree of offending or its quality.

The citizen is only told to pay a fine – zvamaita ndezve $10. What is the offence? The answer is pitched in a manner that says one must simply comply. Secondly, the conduct of violating the right of the citizen through the use of a spike under a citizen’s car wheel.

The police service is part of the security services established by the Constitution. Section 207 lists the services to include the Defence Forces, the Police, Prison and Correctional Service, Intelligence Service and any other such service that may be established in terms of the Constitution.

The services are not allowed in terms of Section 208 to do the following: prejudice the lawful interests of a political party, to have members who act in a partisan manner and to violate fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals.

The Police has its primary role, added to security roles, enshrined in Section 219 of the Constitution: to maintain law and order. The traffic officer fits into this category. Recent explanations from the police have shown that some man roadblocks, conduct spot checks and are deployed for Highway Patrol.

I look upon this to be one of the most important institutions in enforcing domestic law. The concerns by citizens are about the use of spikes in manning roadblocks. In forming the gist of this argument, various issues, if not all of them, are abstracted from the conduct of the police and the citizen. This ultimately leads the discussion to the need to refer to actual scenes on the road – and to show why a superhuman judge -Judge Jackal – is needed in dealing which the spike-wielding officer.

For deregulation of the rules, “biscuit tyres” come to mind. The issue of their use has no problem. It is a serviceable tyre. It has the normal size that was designed for emergency situations. It is not even a tyre that was meant to be used in cold conditions as is normally believed.

There is no justification for not using that can be obtained from the Statutory Instrument that is used, S1129/15. Further, there is this issue that the net vehicle mass on a vehicle must be similar to the mass indicated on ZINARA vehicle licence disc. The individual motorist is made to pay a fine for this. It is ZINARA which estimates the said mass when it issues the licence disc. The discrepancy is blamed on the citizen, which makes it clearly absurd. Some golden rule kind of interpretation is needed.

The re-regulation aspect: What is the role of the Highway Patrol officer, the roadblock officer and the spot check officer? How are those roles impacting on the individual citizen? The motorist is motioned to stop. He complies. A licence is demanded. The licence is not given back. A whole lot of offences are now brought to the fore.

The citizen demands his licence back as is it is the law. The officer refuses to give back the licence until some fine is paid. There are threats that the vehicle would be seized. The citizen asks to have a ticket issued so that he may pay or argue later. He or she is told that some “correct” ticket form has since run out of print. At whose expense? Judge Jackal please!

Thomas Thabane

Kizito Sikuka Correspondent
Speaker after speaker spoke from the same script at the inauguration of Thomas Thabane as the new Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Lesotho.

The message was that it was time Lesotho found a lasting solution to its political instability and ensure that the country focuses more on socio-economic development. Lesotho has experienced recurring political instability since 2012, and has held three national elections within five years.

The elections were prompted by votes of no-confidence passed on the respective Prime Ministers by the Parliament. Speaking soon after being sworn in as the new Prime Minister on 16 June, Thabane said the recent election should finally promote cooperation among all Basotho to find a lasting solution to the challenges facing the country.

“We need to rescue Lesotho from the current downward spiral into lawlessness, conflict, political instability, stagnation, and degradation of democracy, to work for lasting peace and stability of the nation; and to lead the nation on the path of reconciliation and unity.

“Let us all support this government to create an enabling environment for Lesotho to become a lawful country,” he said, adding that no Basotho will be left out in the rebuilding process.

He assured Basotho that his government “will be for Basotho without any form of discrimination, a government that is committed to Rule of law, rebuilding and strengthening of the pillars of democracy, and abhors corruption in all its forms.”

The SADC Chairperson, King Mswati III of Swaziland concurred, saying peace and security are cornerstones for regional integration and development. “There is need for economic reforms, not only in Lesotho but by the whole SADC region in order to improve the lives of our people,” King Mswati said in a speech read on his behalf by Swazi Prime Minister, Barnabas Dlamini.

The SADC chair paid tribute to the critical role played by the region in mediating in the Lesotho political situation through its facilitator, the South African Deputy President, Cyril Ramaphosa. Zambian President, Edgar Lungu, who was also present at the inauguration ceremony, said the destiny of Lesotho can only be truly achieved if Basotho take an active role in shaping their own future.

“Democracy is a very expensive game, but I will leave it up to you the people of Lesotho to decide how best to make democracy a bit cheaper so that you can focus resources to develop this country,” Lungu said.

Thabane was elected Prime Minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won a total of 48 seats compared to 30 garnered by the then ruling Democratic Congress (DC) led by immediate past Premier Pakalitha Mosisili.

According to final results released by the Lesotho Independent Electoral Commission, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy won 11 seats, Alliance of Democrats (9), Movement for Economic Change (6), Basotho National Party (5); and the Popular Front for Democracy (3).

The Reformed Congress of Lesotho, National Independent Party, Democratic Party of Lesotho, Marematlou Freedom Party and the Basutoland Congress Party all got one seat each.

Lesotho has a bicameral Parliament consisting of a Senate with 33 seats and a National Assembly with 120 seats, and as per the Constitution, a winning party should attain at least 61 seats to form a government.

In this regard, the ABC formed a coalition government with the Alliance of Democrats, Basotho National Party and the Reformed Congress of Lesotho. The coalition by the four parties has reversed the result of an election held in 2015 when the DC ousted the ABC by uniting with smaller parties to pass a vote no-confidence in Thabane.

Most election observers, including the SADC Election Observer Mission (SEOM) and African Union Election Observation Mission, said Lesotho’s national parliamentary elections held on 3 June were in conformity with regional and continental standards and principles.

The elected Members of Parliament are expected to serve a five-year term. However, Mosisili has raised concern over the way the elections were conducted, claiming that the electoral process was rigged in favour of Thabane.

He has called for the intervention of SADC to carry out a forensic audit of the elections and subsequently facilitate the establishment of a unity government.

Members of the Lesotho National Assembly are elected by direct popular vote using the mixed member proportional system. Under this system, 80 parliamentarians are chosen in single-member constituencies using the First-Past-The-Post system while the remaining 40 are elected from one national constituency using party-list Proportional Representation.

The latter is used to determine the number of seats each party would receive if the system was fully proportional. The total number of votes cast on the party ballot is divided by the 120 seats at stake in the National Assembly to determine how many seats each party deserves to receive.

This number is then compared to the seats a party won in the constituency list to determine how many seats it should be awarded in the party list. — sardc.net

Grain Marketing Board

Sydney Kawadza Agriculture  Corner
The furore over moisture content in the grains rejected by the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) has blighted an otherwise successful summer cropping season.

Zimbabwe is expecting more than enough grain stocks after the season had generous rainfall that should see us roll back the food shortages experienced since the turn of the millennium.

But is the issue of moisture content a new phenomenon in Zimbabwe?

It is unbelievable that farmers have been delivering maize with high moisture content to the GMB when it is common knowledge that there is that stipulated limit to the delivered maize.

Farming experts would tell you that the Grain Marketing Board has always recommended that farmers deliver their maize with a moisture content of not more than 12,5 percent.

There are fears, genuine, that grain with moisture content of more than 12,5 to 13 percent will rot in the country’s granaries. Farmers, serious farmers who take agricultural production as a business, should be talking on how they can develop their grain drying systems on their farms.

Communal and A1 farmers would worry much about these facilities. Maize drying is ideal for farmers who rotate their crops throughout the seasons and have to clear the fields for the next crop, for example, wheat production after the summer cropping season.

Government, according to Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development Minister Dr Joseph Made, has moved to resuscitate driers in A1 and A2 areas.

And farmers should take advantage of this development so that they are not caught on the wrong side and we get stories of farmers being turned away from the GMB depots.

The problem is in planning. Farmers should have these facilities to make sure that their grain have the required amount of moisture according to the stipulated contents.

It is also important to note that harvested grain should be considered as living organisms hence the need to have the required moisture content. University of Arkansas Extension Engineer, Professor Karl Van Devender, states that harvested grain contains water and excess moisture and grain maturity can lead to storage related problems.

“Grain moisture content is expressed as a percent of the grain weight. For example, 100 pounds (45kgs) of 15-percent moisture content corn contains 15 pounds of water and 85 pounds (35kg) of dry matter corn,” he said.

Professor Van Devender further states that grain moisture content and temperature play a key role in determining safe storage life. As a rule, he says, dryer grain and cooler temperatures increase safe storage durations. “In contrast, wetter grain and warmer temperatures increase the potential for pests, insects, mold and fungi to reduce grain quality and market value,” he argues.

Grains start drying in the field when they reach full maturity and Professor Van Devender notes that a layer of tissue is formed between the seed and the plant which blocks additional moisture and nutrient inputs from the plant.

“At this point the maximum grain quality and yield are set. The primary objective of grain drying and storage is to manage the temperature and moisture of the air around the grain to minimise grain quality and market value losses while holding grain for better market opportunities.

“Maintaining grain quality requires drying the grain to safe moisture content levels after harvest followed by lowering and maintaining the grain temperature within a few degrees of ambient air temperatures.

“Traditionally, on-farm grain drying and storage has seen limited use in Arkansas. However, recent changes in agricultural markets have made grain production more attractive, resulting in more producers and more production. This increased supply is associated with a larger grain price swing between harvest and non-harvest periods.”

While he further states that there are potential economic advantages to on-farm drying and storage, drying also helps in removing pests from the grains during storage.

The first step in drying grain is determining the desired, or target, grain moisture content level, which in Zimbabwe has been set at 12.5 percent.

There are challenges of under-drying and over drying. Under-drying is known to reduce safe storage time while increasing the potential for quality losses and increases the likelihood of high moisture price dockages upon sale.

Over-drying grain leads to weight loss known as “shrink”. In giving grain drying options, Professor Van Devender says there are four approaches: field drying, natural air/low temp grain drying, high temperature drying, and combination and dryeration.

The most widely used method is allowing the grain to dry in the field is the most widely used method. Farmers also have an option of partial field drying together with post-harvest drying to reach target storage moisture content.

Mechanised farms can also use the natural air/low temperature grain drying where the farmer fills or partially fills bins with freshly harvested grain and runs fans forcing air through the bins to reach the desired moisture content.

In this system, air is heated to high temperatures and forced through the grain until the grain dries. Combination and dryeration uses partially drying grain with high temperature dryers, and then the remainder of the drying process is done with low temperature air and fans.

Dr Sam McNeill, an Extension Agricultural Engineer at the UK Research and Education Centre at the University of Missouri, however, argues that grain handling and storage facilities require careful planning.

Trying to establish a mechanised grain drying system entails components including site selection, bin selection and layout and the drying systems itself. According to his study, there are three main components of site selection, which are accessibility, availability of electricity while they must be well drained.

Accessibility includes adequate entrances off main roads while electricity powers the drying fans. The storage bins should be located at least 15 metres from any building while it is desirable to have them about 30 metres away. Dr McNeill says groundwater should be a minimum of about three metres below surface while 4-6 metres is preferred.

The surrounding area should drain away from the site while runoff from surrounding areas drain through the grain handling facility should be avoided at all costs. In an economy like ours farmers can build or convert some of their buildings to become grain drying systems.

Bin selection can be recommended by suppliers. While farmers could be forgiven to miss out on the necessary infrastructure it is important that they invest in drying facilities ahead of the coming season.

Zimbabwe is on the right path to economic recovery and it starts with a food secure population.

• Feedback: sydney.kawadza@zimpapers.co.zw

Nichole Clark was hired by Interapt in May

ROCKET CENTER, West Virginia. — A few years ago, Sean Bridges lived with his mother, Linda, in Wiley Ford, West Virginia.

Their only income was her monthly social security disability cheque. He applied for work at Walmart and Burger King, but they were not hiring.

Yet while Mr Bridges had no work history, he had certain skills. He had built and sold some stripped-down personal computers, and he had studied information technology at a community college.

When Mr Bridges heard IBM was hiring at a nearby operations center in 2013, he applied and demonstrated those skills. Now Mr Bridges, 25, is a computer security analyst, making $45 000 a year. In a struggling Appalachian economy, that is enough to provide him with his own apartment, a car, spending money — and career ambitions.

“I got one big break,” he said. “That’s what I needed.” Mr Bridges represents a new but promising category in the American labour market: people working in so-called new-collar or middle-skill jobs.

As the United States struggles with how to match good jobs to the two-thirds of adults who do not have a four-year college degree, his experience shows how a worker’s skills can be emphasised over traditional hiring filters like college degrees, work history and personal references. And elevating skills over pedigree creates new pathways to employment and tailored training and a gateway to the middle class.

This skills-based jobs approach matters at a time when there is a push to improve the circumstances of those left behind in the American economy, many of whom voted for president Trump.

“We desperately need to revive a second route to the middle class for people without four-year college degrees, as manufacturing once was,” said Robert Reich, a labour secretary in the Clinton administration who is now a professor at the University of California, Berkeley. “We have to move toward a system that works.”

The skills-based concept is gaining momentum, with non-profit organisations, schools, state governments and companies, typically in partnerships, beginning to roll out such efforts.

The approach has received a strong corporate endorsement from Microsoft, which announced a grant of more than $25 million to help Skilful, a program to foster skills-oriented hiring, training and education.

The initiative, led by the Markle Foundation, began last year in Colorado, and Microsoft’s grant will be used to expand it there and move it into other states. “We need new approaches, or we’re going to leave more and more people behind in our economy,” said Brad Smith, president of Microsoft.

It is unclear whether a relative handful of skills-centred initiatives can train large numbers of people and alter hiring practices broadly.

But the skills-based approach has already yielded some early and encouraging results in the technology industry, which may provide a model for other industries.

These jobs have taken off in tech for two main reasons. For one, computing skills tend to be well defined. Writing code, for example, is a specific task, and success or failure can be tested and measured. At the same time, the demand for tech skills is surging.

One tech project that has expanded rapidly is TechHire, which was created in 2015 and is the flagship programme of Opportunity@Work, a non-profit social enterprise.

TechHire provides grants and expertise to train workers around the country and link them to jobs by nurturing local networks of job seekers, trainers and companies.

In just two years, TechHire’s network has grown to 72 communities, 237 training organisations and 1 300 employers. It has helped place more than 4 000 workers in jobs.

TechHire’s mission is partly to chip away at “the cultural hegemony of the bachelor’s degree,” said Byron Auguste, president of Opportunity@Work.

Nichole Clark of Paintsville, Ky., heard a radio ad last year for TechHire Eastern Kentucky. The programme offered six months of training in software programming that included working with a company while being paid $400 a week.

That was not much less than what Ms Clark, now 24, was making as a manager at Pizza Hut. Without a college degree, Ms Clark said, her horizons seemed confined to low-wage jobs in fast-food restaurants, retail stores or doctors’ offices.

The TechHire programme, she said, could be “a doorway to a good-paying job, which is everything here.” Ms Clark made it through online screening tests and an interview and got into the programme. TechHire’s role varies, and it often funds training grants, but in this programme it solicited applicants and advised and shared best practices with Interapt, a software development and consulting company.

The training stipends were paid for with a $2,7 million grant from the Appalachian Regional Commission. After four months of taking all-day classes on the basics of writing software and two months of working in an internship alongside Interapt developers, Ms Clark was hired by Interapt in May.

As a member of the team that performs software quality assurance and testing, she is now paid more than $40 000 a year, about double what she made at Pizza Hut.

Ms Clark is growing confident about her employment future. “There are endless roles you can play, if you have these skills,” she said. In Colorado, Skilful is working to improve the flow of useful information among job seekers, employers, educators, governments and local training groups. The organisation focuses on jobs in tech, health care and advanced manufacturing.

Ninety companies have worked with Skilful’s staff and partners to refine and clarify their descriptions of skills. That data has contributed to an online “training finder” tool — built by researchers at LinkedIn — that shows salary ranges, skills required, training programs and nearby openings for different occupations. (Microsoft acquired LinkedIn, a Skillful partner, last year.)

“We’re trying to use the very forces that are disrupting the economy — technology and data — to drive a labour market that helps all Americans,” said Zoë Baird, chief executive of the Markle Foundation.

Ron Gallegos Jr 31, has benefited from Skilful’s programme. For years, he worked as a facilities manager overseeing cleaning crews in retail locations. Restless, he wanted to pursue a tech career.

He had a side gig fixing televisions, gadgets and PCs. But he was self-taught, had no college degree and needed training and credentials. So in late 2015, Mr Gallegos quit his job to study full time to gain training and certifications as a computer support technician, and later in network security.

At his local community college, Skilful representatives offered tips on job searches, résumé preparation, financial support and networking.

At one event, Mr Gallegos learned of a state grant available for a security course he wanted to take. The programme’s career coaches also emphasised the so-called soft skills of speaking concisely, working co-operatively and attending industry and professional gatherings to meet people, Mr Gallegos said.

Not content to just look for jobs, Mr Gallegos created one for himself, setting up Mile High IT Services last fall. Now he works as a technology-support contractor for small businesses, and his one-man company is gaining traction, with his income exceeding $50 000 a year.

“It’s all pretty bright for me now,” he said. In Rocket Centre, where rocket engines were once built and some composite materials for American fighter jets are manufactured today, IBM occupies a few buildings and employs 350 people, including Mr Bridges.

They are working on cloud computing, cybersecurity, application development and help desks. In the last two years, nearly a third of IBM’s new hires there and in a few other locations have not had four-year college degrees. IBM has jointly developed curriculums with the local community college, as well as one-year and two-year courses aligned with the company’s hiring needs.

For companies like IBM, which has 5 000 job openings in the United States, new-collar workers can help it meet its work force needs — and do it inexpensively if those workers are far away from urban centres, where the cost of living and prevailing wages are higher. “It makes sense for our business, for the job candidates and for the communities,” said Sam Ladah, IBM’s vice president for talent.

The company, which stopped disclosing its American employment in 2007 and regularly cuts jobs in declining businesses, declined to say whether it was increasing its total domestic work force.

But at the West Virginia centre, IBM plans to hire up to 250 people this year, including more like Mr Bridges.

“Now, we’re recruiting for skills,” Mr Ladah said. — New York Times.

Tobacco seedlings in beds

Buhle Nkomo
“I am impressed with drip irrigation technology because it means growing more for less. It is economic, it saves water and fertiliser, involving less labour while attracting good yields,” says Shepard Goremusandu (49), a small scale tobacco farmer from Karoi in Mashonaland West Province.

Goremusandu is one of the tobacco farmers who obtained drip irrigation from TIMB in 2015. The farmer said drip irrigation is the most efficient technology due to its controlled delivery of water directly to plants promoting uniformity amongst the crops while enhancing good yields as each crop gets the equal amount of water.

As a result the grower said the facility made a notable difference in his production history. “Prior to drip irrigation, my crops were rain fed. I was not happy with my produce as my harvest would range from 2 500 to 3 000kgs per hectare. Having a borehole as my source of water, I then installed the drip irrigation facility. I obtained 4 000kg from a hectare and quality yields with prices ranging from $5,20 highest price while lowest being $2,10.

Goremusandu said that the scheme has not only encouraged good tobacco yields but also has increased his productivity as he is now using the same technology as a water supplement for horticulture purposes.

“Since drip irrigation is providing a reliable water supply throughout the year, I have planted a hectare of potatoes, cucumbers and tomatoes. I already secured the market and supply local canteens, boarding schools and local people” he said.

He added: This has given me giant steps as a farmer since my productivity has been increased. I want to increase my drip to a 5 hectare facility with tank reservoirs from my returns as part of my future plans.”

Goremusandu explained that one of the advantages of drip irrigation is that it encourages farmers to start early ploughing which is considered as part of good agronomic practices for increased yields.

“The seedbeds are underway. This suggests the facility has allowed me to start the season very early. This is good for quality yields because early ploughing is a way of trapping and conserving the moisture,” he explained.

The grower said that apart from tobacco production he also does poultry production for more income and other crops as a way of crop rotation.

The 250 Robust Drip Irrigation kit

“I am also keeping broilers, harvesting at least 200 birds a week and my main market is a local butchery. Apart from tobacco farming I also grow maize, soya beans and sugar beans for more income and facilitating crop rotation” he added.

The grower explained that apart from having water source, farmers should also consider careful planning and investing in their curing facilities as these are critical for improved yields as quality determines the price.

“Planning, scheduling, upgrading my curing and irrigation facilities has improved my farming. Tobacco farming is the reason I drilled a borehole and installed drip irrigation. I have purchased my inputs for the next season, hired permanent workers and invested in cattle,” he said.

Drip irrigation is still on offer at TIMB and the following are required: The grower should have a production history which is attained from the TIMB system.

He or she must be near the water source not more than 500 meters from the source. An application letter can be collected from the nearest TIMB regional office in which upon submission of it, it should be attached with certified copies of the national ID, photocopy of the offer letter and recommendation from the Agritex officer or the contractor.

• For additional Information contact TIMB on telephone numbers 08677004624 /6 or 0772145166 /9 or 0279-22082 /21982 or 025-3439 or 067-24268 /29246 or 0277-2700 or 064-7280 or 0271-6772 or Toll Free Numbers 08006003 / 0731999999 / 0712832804 or WhatsApp 0731999999 or E-mail: info@timb.co.zw

Dr Sacrifice Chirisa Mental Health Matters
A personality disorder (PD) is a type of mental disorder in which you have a rigid and unhealthy pattern of thinking, functioning and behaving.

A person with a personality disorder has trouble perceiving and relating to situations and people.

This causes significant problems and limitations in relationships, social activities, work and school.

Individuals usually do not realise that you have a personality disorder because your way of thinking and behaving seems natural to them to the point of blaming others for the challenges they face.

Beginning in the teenage years or early adulthood, there are many types of personality disorders. Some types may become less obvious throughout middle age. Types of PDs are grouped into three main clusters, based on similar characteristics and symptoms. We will discuss cluster A and B this week.

Cluster A: Are characterised by odd, eccentric thinking or behaviour.

Paranoid PD

• Pervasive distrust and suspicious of others and their motives
• Unjustified belief that others are trying to harm or deceive you
• Unjustified suspicion of the loyalty or trustworthiness of others
• Hesitancy to confide in others due to unreasonable fear that others will use the information against you
• Perception of innocent remarks or non-threatening situations as personal insults or attacks
• Angry or hostile reaction to perceived slights or insults
• Tendency to hold grudges
• Unjustified, recurrent suspicion that spouse or sexual partner is unfaithful

Schizoid PD

• Lack of interest in social or personal relationships, preferring to be alone.
• Limited range of emotional expression
• Inability to take pleasure in most activities
• Inability to pick up normal social cues
• Appearance of being cold or indifferent to others
• Little or no interest in having sex with another person

Schizotypal PD

• Peculiar dress, beliefs, speech or behaviour
• Odd perceptual experiences, such as hearing a voice whisper your name
• Flat emotions or inappropriate emotional responses
• Social anxiety and a lack of or discomfort with close relationships
• Indifferent, inappropriate or suspicious response to others
• “Magical thinking” influencing people and events with your thoughts
• Belief that casual incidents or events have hidden messages meant only for you

Cluster B personality disorders: are characterised by dramatic, overly emotional or unpredictable thinking or behaviour. They include:

Antisocial PD

• Disregard for others needs or feelings
• Persistent lying, stealing, using aliases, conning others
• Recurring problems with the law
• Repeated violation of the rights of others
• Aggressive, often violent behaviour
• Disregard for the safety of self or others
• Impulsive behaviour
• Consistently irresponsible
• Lack of remorse for behaviour

Borderline PD

• Impulsive and risky behaviour, like unsafe sex, gambling or binge eating
• Unstable or fragile self-image
• Unstable and intense relationships
• Up and down moods, often as a reaction to interpersonal stress
• Suicidal behaviour or threats of self-injury
• Intense fear of being alone or abandoned
• Ongoing feelings of emptiness
• Frequent, intense displays of anger
• Stress-related paranoia that comes and goes

Histrionic PD

• Constantly seeking attention
• Excessively emotional, dramatic or sexually provocative to gain attention
• Speaks dramatically with strong opinions, but few facts
• Easily influenced by others
• Shallow, rapidly changing emotions
• Excessive concern with physical appearance
• Thinks relationships are closer than they really are

Narcissistic PD

• Belief that you’re special and more important than others
• Fantasies about power, success and attractiveness
• Failure to recognize others’ needs and feelings
• Exaggeration of achievements or talents
• Expectation of constant praise and admiration
• Arrogance
• Often taking advantage of others
• Envy of others or belief that others envy you

Next week we will discuss the remaining cluster of personality disorders and how these disorders can be managed. Characteristics of the above types of personality disorders may vary in individuals; low, medium and high, all should seek medical attention so that they do not further develop.

• Dr S. M. Chirisa is a passionate mental health specialist who holds an undergraduate medical degree and postgraduate Master’s degree in psychiatry both from the University of Zimbabwe. He is currently working as a Senior Registrar in the Department of Psychiatry at Parirenyatwa Group of Hospitals and is also the current national treasurer of the Zimbabwe Medical Association (ZiMA). He can be reached at drsmchirisa@yahoo.com

Tobacco farmers at Tianze Floors in Harare

Sydney Kawadza Senior Features Writer
The Chinese must be a happy lot. Guided by one of their proverbs, it can be concluded that with their assistance cutting across the whole world they are indeed a happy nation.

The proverb goes; “If you want happiness for an hour – take a nap. If you want happiness for a day – go fishing. If you want happiness for a month – get married. If you want happiness for a year – inherit a fortune. If you want happiness for a lifetime – help someone else.”

This happiness is, today, being shared with Zimbabwean tobacco farmers benefiting from the Tianze Tobacco Company contract farming programmes.

Since “Look East” became a policy, the assistance continues to flow for Zimbabweans. Fledging tobacco farmer Mr Ephraim Pasipanodya of Combe Farm in Banket, Mashonaland West Province can attest to benefiting from the growing relations between Zimbabwe and China.

A beneficiary of Government’s land reform programme, Mr Pasipanodya has grown from a struggling “new” farmer to a successful tobacco grower. “I benefited from the land reform in 2004 and we started with just 10 hectares under tobacco but we have since gone to 60 hectares with a projected output of 200 tonnes of the crop,” he said in an interview recently.

Mr Pasipanodya who has already prepared 100 beds of tobacco seedbed to cover 35 hectares of irrigated crop will transplant the crop on September 1.

The dry land crop to cover 25 hectares will be planted on October 24. “It hasn’t been an easy road but I am glad we have reached so far. In a nutshell, 2006 was shack while 2008 was the worst-ever season for farmers.

“In 2012, I decided to build a tunnel and some grading sheds. However, the following season, I got a break through when Tianze gave me a centre pivot and a second one the following year.

“I also got assistance to finish the two-heat source tunnel system that can cure tobacco from 42 hectares.” The tunnel system at the farm is worth at least US$500 000. The assistance saw Mr Pasipanodya continue increasing his hectarage and yield which increased from 140 tonnes in 2015 to a high of 180 tonnes in 2016.

“We had set a projected 200 tonnes last season but harvested 155 tonnes as the seasons changed from very dry to very wet affecting the quality of the tobacco.

“The quality was good but the weight was affected by the heavy rains,” he said. The Banket farmer attributed his success story to a number of reasons including knowledge, financial support, equipment, labour and supportive Government institutions.

“I have gained a lot of knowledge from Tianze officers based here in Mashonaland West as they have always been with us throughout the season. “Although I have attended a number of courses, we have also formed discussions groups with farmers in the area where we share ideas,” he said.

Agricultural production is capital intensive, Mr Pasipanodya said. “A farmer needs financial support and I have made it a point to build excellent working relationship with Tianze and my bankers. We spend between US$4 000 and US$5 000 per hectare so it’s not easy without assistance from contractors and financial institutions.”

Other costs include labour, electricity, coal, diesel, inputs such as fertilisers and seed and salaries and wages. “A satisfied labour force is also quite important while working with officers from Government institutions also helps for one to be a successful farmer,” he said.

Mr Pasipanodya employs about 20 permanent workers but the labour forces grows beyond 150 people during peak season. “Firstly, agriculture is a business but I think it is also important to build a strong relationship with the contractor and banker. “Tianze pays for all my needs including wages for the workers and inputs.

“All that we need to do is to adhere to the quality of tobacco that they require and they provide everything including the market,” he said. Mr Pasipanodya’s relationship with Tianze has yielded for his activities two centre pivots, two tractors and a truck.

He is also expecting a third tractor this season. According to the Tianze Production and Technology Manager Dr Li Xiangyang, farmers receive loans each season. “The loan will be for inputs (such as fertilisers, chemicals, coal, electricity, wages, repairs and maintenance among others).

“Then as we grow with the farmers, we see the needs of the farmer and recommend that these farmers purchase certain equipment for their farming activities to be better. For example, if we see a need in curing, we can advise the farmer that he build a tunnel for better curing of his tobacco.”

He said most of the farmers do not have enough financial resources to acquire the necessary equipment. “So for relations’ sake, we help our farmers outside the loan amount. We call it capital expenditure (Capex). We purchase the equipment on the farmer’s behalf and the farmer will pay for that equipment during the selling season.

“The equipment which can be bought under Capex are centre pivots, tractors, tobacco trolleys, funds for building a tunnel, heat source for a tunnel and other equipment,” he said.

Established in 2005, Tianze Tobacco Company (PVT) Ltd is Zimbabwe-registered international tobacco merchant with greater involvement in the entire tobacco supply chain. That is, from contract growing, auction floor purchasing, processing and exporting of tobacco to China and has grown to be the largest export destination for Zimbabwean tobacco.

The Company is owned by China Tobacco Company which is owned by the Government of China. Tianze Tobacco Company not only purchases its tobacco directly from local tobacco auction floors and contracted tobacco farmers but also buys from other local tobacco companies including renowned merchants such as the British American Tobacco and Alliance One.

In the SADC region, Tianze Tobacco is supervising the sourcing of tobacco leaf from Zambia and Malawi on behalf of China Tobacco Company and is currently assessing other Southern Africa tobacco growing sources such as Tanzania, Uganda and South Africa.

In addition to offering the best and most viable pricing model to local tobacco farmers, Tianze Tobacco Company has demonstrated strong corporate citizenship based on respecting, developing and fostering relationships in the communities it operates.

According to figures from the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board, contracted farmers had sold 1 642 983 bales of tobacco under contract as June 19, 2017.

The tobacco weighing 131 639 409 kilogrammes earned US$385 million at an average price of US$6 per kg.

Trade volumes between Zimbabwe and China are set to go beyond the $1 billion mark by year-end. China imports tobacco, cotton and various minerals from Zimbabwe while local businesses have turned to the East Asian economic giant for electronic, clothing and other finished products. Zimbabwe exports at least 55 percent of its tobacco to China.

•  Feedback: sydney.kawadza@zimpapers.co.zw

Addis Ababa

Correspondent
The African Union and its partners are a vital part in combating the continent’s crises.

Now more than ever, Africa needs the help of the African Union (AU) and its partners in tackling security threats and other ongoing crises — particularly in the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa.

It’s these and other issues that are going to keep Africa’s leaders busy at the 29th AU summit in Addis Ababa from 27 June to 4 July, and more specifically the AU Assembly meeting of heads of state on 3 and 4 July.

Despite some progress since the last summit in January, AU operations have been affected by funding cuts from international partners such as the European Union (EU) and the US — especially in Mali, Somalia and in the fight against the Lord’s Resistance Army.

The AU had been talking about establishing an African force to combat the terror threats in Mali and the Sahel region as a whole. But the AU’s reluctance to create the mission led the concerned G5 Sahel members (Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Chad and Niger) to establish a 5 000-strong joint force in the region in February this year.

This is similar to the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) formed by the Lake Chad Basin Commission and Benin to fight Boko Haram in the region. For the foreseeable future, the AU will continue to rely on regional coalitions to address terror threats in Africa while it provides legitimacy and support.

The AU can complement these military initiatives by urging all its member states to focus on the many longer-term governance and human rights issues that drive people to join such movements.

Martin Ewi, senior researcher at the ISS, urges the AU’s Peace and Security Council (PSC) to “speedily operationalise the African list of terrorist individuals and organisations as provided in the 2002 Plan of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism in Africa”. This list should proscribe terror groups in the region and call on every country on the continent and beyond to cooperate in denying territorial space, financial and other vital resources that sustain the groups, he says.

Somalia is another crisis area that requires the concerted efforts of the AU and its partners. Despite the security gains made against al-Shabaab and the recent electoral milestones, the state still lacks the capacity to fill the governance vacuum in recovered regions.

ISS senior researcher and training coordinator Meressa Kahsu believes the AU should work closely with its partners “to build state institutions to manage recovered areas, provide public services and win people over”.

The international community should also provide the necessary financial and logistical support to the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and the Somali Army to provide a stable security environment for the state-building initiative to succeed.

In South Sudan, the fate of the August 2015 peace deal has hung in the balance since July 2016 when violence erupted between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir Mayardit and Vice President Riek Machar — the major signatories to the deal.

The renewed violence came barely three months after the formation of the transitional government in April. Machar went into exile and was replaced by Tabang Deng Gai as the first vice president. But high levels of violence continue and the country remains in the midst of an acute political, economic and humanitarian crisis.

In December 2016, Kiir announced the commencement of national talks in the country, but this has been criticised as an effort to deflect attention from the 2015 peace deal.

Time is more than ripe for the establishment of a hybrid court and a truth and reconciliation commission, as stipulated by the agreement. But these have been stalled by the ongoing clashes and the uncertainties over Machar’s future role in the country.

At its last summit in January 2017, the AU called for the implementation of the 2015 peace deal, but there is limited momentum in getting the South Sudanese government to adhere to it. There are also delays in the deployment of the regional protection force, authorised by the United Nations (UN) last year to protect civilians amid growing fears of a looming genocide.

Amanda Lucey, senior researcher at the ISS, says the AU, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), UN and other partners should push together “to put an end to the ongoing violence and revive discussions on securing lasting peace in the region”.

The AU should also address the political crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which resulted from the delay in elections. The most recent mediation by the Catholic Church — after the AU-mediated agreement in October 2016 — committed the government and its opposition to form a transitional government, led by a prime minister from the main opposition grouping, and for elections to be held in 2017. According to the terms of the agreement, President Joseph Kabila can’t stand for an additional term.

However, the implementation of the accord has been undermined by drawn-out disagreements over the composition of the government and the designation of the prime minister. The Kabila government’s unilateral appointment of a prime minister from a co-opted branch of the opposition has left the agreement in tatters and the situation more polarised than ever.

Head of the ISS’s Peace and Security Research Programme Stephanie Wolters says the AU “should raise its voice and call on the Kabila government to apply the 31 December accords in spirit and in letter, including by allowing the opposition to nominate the prime minister”.

This week’s AU summit will also be confronted with the ongoing crises in Libya, Burundi, Sudan, Guinea-Bissau and Central African Republic.

The key question is whether heads of state at the AU Assembly will equip the PSC and the AU Commission to take concrete action to mitigate these conflicts. — ISSAfrica.

Evan Mawarire

Blessing Vava Correspondent
“STUDENT activism is a highly conflict-filled terrain with very passionate individuals and groups involved’’ said one scholar, (Moyo: 2013) in his journal article as he looked at the relationship between politics and student activism.

In many parts of the world students protests have been a catalyst for change and in some instances causing the collapse of unpopular regimes.

In his paper (Moyo: 2013) concedes that while student activism has been highly associated with social and political change and as a form of affirmative action it has been demonised by governments.

While students have been able to articulate and fight their struggles, against high tuition fees and in many instances it is the fight for free education there has been a concern of those genuine struggles by the students being hijacked by political figures and parties.

It is important to note that the issues driving the student anger and rebellion go far beyond the unaffordability of higher education for the poor and the working class. It is having to slot into an education system that emulates the society we live in — an elite ruling class sending its children to study abroad and the perpetuation of inequality and prejudice against the financially weak.

In the same vein, politicians should leave students alone and equally students need to be careful on the pitfalls of having their issues drowned by those of politicians. Whereas students have the right to freedom of association the events at the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) this week are surely a cause for concern.

I watched in disbelief as the so-called #ThisFlag leader Evan Mawarire streamed live on his Facebook wall while he addressed the demonstrating students. At that moment I realised that the presence of Mawarire was a tactical blunder.

Mawarire, a non-student, a man currently on bail on charges of subverting a constitutionally elected government addressing students already sent a wrong signal. He had no business at UZ, his actions might have been ‘genuine’ but I wouldn’t want to say here was a man on an attention seeking adventure to revive his waning popularity after a self-inflicted blow when he fled to the US.

His subsequent arrest immediately dominating the news, diluting the genuine efforts by the students who were seeking an audience with regards to the fee increase. The clashes at UZ could have been avoided had Mawarire stayed at home to ‘pray’ for the students. We must always look at the bigger picture and avoid individuals with selfish agendas to override a genuine cause of the students.

For him he has ‘achieved’ to gain mileage, it’s like he was trying to a ‘re-entry’ after his movement failed to take off. And for the students, they remain to face their challenges.

I am sure those who reacted violently were as a result of Mawarire’s presence which probably was viewed as a #ThisFlag protest. While it is good for people like Mawarire to offer solidarity he was just at the wrong place, at the wrong time.

I have nothing personal against the ‘Man of God’, but ‘politicians’ and ‘celebrities’ must stay away from campuses, they should fight in the streets. Let the students fight their struggles on their campuses, there are many ways of offering them solidarity than to hijack their noble cause simply because of an insatiable appetite for newspaper headlines. Students should be wary of associating with figures that will do little in contributing to their struggles.

As a result, looking back, history is pregnant with numerous examples and lessons, which the students can learn from in as far as the relationship between student activism and mainstream politics is concerned. Many will remember Zanu-PF’s ‘hijacking’ of the Zimbabwe Congress of Students Union (Zicosu), which was formed by progressive comrades like Gabriel Shumba led to its decline.

The same can also be said for the opposition MDC which tried in vain to hijack the biggest students’ body, the Zimbabwe National Students Union, and clearly, the agenda was the same, but rather the party eventually failed in its futile attempt years to come. However, many will recall that the formation of the MDC was the turning point in the struggles of the student’s movement in Zimbabwe.

While the students were a critical mass at the formation of the MDC in 1999, the students movement failed to maintain its independence and as a result perceived as either an appendage or rather an opposition movement towards the government of the day which then created a host of problems that came to haunt the students movement up until this day.

It would be critical to posit that after the formation of the MDC, the relationship between the students’ movement and the party intensified the cat-and-mouse relationship between the ruling government and the students’ movement.

The ‘association’ of Zinasu with the MDC gave the State more arsenal and artillery to pounce on the students as it perceived the union as agents of regime change.

The State became more vicious towards the students, demonstrations were now being responded to with brute force, suspensions and expulsions of student leaders became the order of the day.

The Government no longer viewed the students union as a critical stakeholder but rather in Zinasu they saw the MDC, and to make matters worse, the idea to help form the party was consummated in the packed New Lecture Theatre 400 at the University of Zimbabwe.

The MDC tag has caused nightmares for the union and has been difficult to disassociate with, thus making life difficult for the students union in pursuit of their struggle for academic freedoms.

Consequently, for the political parties, the students’ community is an easy ground to use for their political expediency. Regional experiences presented us with good examples on the need for politicians to stay out and students to avoid being hijacked.

As was witnessed during #feesmustfall in South Africa where several political actors tried to seek relevance by joining the student’s protests.

Many will remember the DA leader Mmusi Maimane and EFF’s Floyd Shivambu getting the rod of the students after attempts to address the protesting students in Cape Town.

It was apparent that the students cannot be politically controlled, bullied or manipulated. It was clear that these politicians were driven not by the cause of the students, but rather their own selfish agendas as they seek relevance in associating themselves with a movement that had shaken the corridors of power in South Africa.

Other national political party leaders could face the same humiliation if they try to exploit the situation. Quite clearly, the students were aware that once they allowed the politicians to come and address them at campuses their cause was going to be diluted and misconstrued and giving ammunition to the ruling government to dismiss their cause as being pushed by the opposition parties.

In conclusion, I challenge the students to think beyond the tactics that the yesteryear generations employed because the context and the environment has totally changed.

They have to come up with new ideas of organising and defining solidarity in pursuit of the struggle for free education in our lifetime. Zvazviri!

• Blessing ‘Vuvuzela’ Vava is a political commentator and blogger. This piece has been reproduced with his permission.

Zimbabwe is expecting to harvest four million tonnes of food crops from the 2016-17 agricultural season and this means there will be a surplus of one million tonnes of food

Herbert Zharare Deputy News Editor
The successful launch of Command Agriculture and Presidential Input Support Schemes might be a panacea to the revival of the fading concept of Growth Points in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe is expecting to harvest four million tonnes of food crops from the 2016-17 agricultural season and this means there will be a surplus of one million tonnes of food. These food crops include maize, sorghum, millet, roundnuts, groundnuts, sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, cowpeas, squash, sugar-beans and pumpkins.

For the country to score such a huge success against the backdrop of Western sponsored economic sanctions, Sakunda Holdings funded the 2016-17 agricultural season to the tune of $192 million. Together with President Mugabe’s support for the underprivileged farmers, the country is expected to produce a record four millions tonnes of food.

Given that already Government has secured almost half a billion to fund the 2017-18 agricultural season, the yield definitely is going to shame critics and the country can once again become a net exporter of food to the region and beyond.

As the country angles to produce huge quantities of food and possibly reclaim its breadbasket status in the region, where does that leave Growth Points in Zimbabwe? Can Growth Points take advantage of Command Agriculture and relaunch themselves and once again become centres of excellence that champion rural economic development? A health country is always productive as morbidity is reduced, resulting in people expending their productive time on economically viable activities. But it is intriguing to give historical background of Growth Points in Zimbabwe.

The concept of growth point is a unique endeavour by central governments to help decentralise development to remote parts of the country in order for the general populace to receive some essential services.

Growth Points are centres of economic activities, which are artificially created or stimulated in disadvantaged regions with the intention that they will eventually become centres of economic growth. A communal area with huge resource base can be a focal point for development, because it has the potential to attract investors and eventually become a hub of economic activities in rural areas.

The development is expected to cascade down to other underdeveloped surrounding areas by improving the provision of essential utilities, therefore, increasing the standards of living of the community through decentralisation of economic activities.

The question is as Zimbabwe celebrates the success of Command Agriculture, authorities and experts in rural development should be crafting strategic and sustainable plans that outline how the quality of rural life can be transformed through this national food initiative.

In Zimbabwe, Growth Points were introduced in 1978 as part of the policy document called “Integrated Plan for Rural Development” which promoted regional planning. This plan designated 10 growth centres in communal areas in Zimbabwe namely Chisumbanje, Gutu, Jerera, Mataga, Maphisa, Murehwa, Mushumbi, Nkayi, Sanyati and Hwedza.

It is critical to note that after this policy document was published, more growth centres were established in independent Zimbabwe as the new Government sought to spread development to previously disadvantaged areas by the colonialists, who pushed them to dry and infertile soils.

The designation of the centres was adopted after Independence in 1980 as part of the Government’s policy that embodied growth with equity as it was felt that for general economic development to succeed at a national scale, regional inequalities had to be drastically reduced.

For decades now, some growth points have remained small service centres consisting only of Government offices and a few shops and no industries were established. It is against this backdrop that strategic rural development planners should therefore use the Command Agriculture concept and ensure that the Growth Points once again become robust centres of excellence and sustainable development.

Statistics show that maize production in most rural areas increased by an average 350 percent, supporting the need to have value addition facilities at Growth Points. Surely, we appreciate that there has been a number of challenges encountered in applying growth centre strategies in developed and developing countries.

Funds allocated by Government for growth point development were not adequate, hence infrastructural and service provisions could not cater for industries. Some small businesses did not take off at all, while those that were formed either closed or downscaled to levels of home industries.

But with Command Agriculture and the Presidential Support Scheme, we expert massive economic activities in these Growth Points characterised by serious value addition of these agricultural commodities. With Command Agriculture, we expect to see serious milling companies backed by indigenous Zimbabweans establishing bases at Growth Points and leverage on the readily available raw materials.

What stops companies managed by young Zimbabwean entrepreneurs and based at Growth Points processing mealie meal, paster, venturing into green mealies and peas as well as beef canning.

The rapid growth of cotton industry saw the emergency of ginneries within the respective areas and their environs, creating employment and a huge market for secondary goods and services. Some Growth Points such as Gokwe, that are known for growing cotton, enjoyed economic growth and the promotion of the crop through Command Agriculture, these areas can enjoy massive growth.

Locating a company at source of raw materials has vast advantages such as cheap labour, raw materials and transport costs among others. The communities will also enjoy economic empowerment through providing employment and general downstream benefits.

But for the Growth Points to leave a huge footprint in the country’s economic development agenda, there is a need to address a handful of challenges being faced.

Growth point centres in Zimbabwe are located in communal areas, which is State owned land reserved for future development, thus captains of industry operating in such areas at times have no property rights.

Technically, these firms cannot use the land as collateral, therefore, financial institutions cannot accept the leasehold agreement. Most businesses use title deeds as security to get loans to expand their businesses.

Most growth centres designated for Growth Points do not have the requisite potential or strong human resource base from where to ignite the process of cumulative and subsequent growth, leading to the stagnation of growth centres.

The structure of the education system in Growth Points equipped learners with basic knowledge of up to Ordinary Level as well as vocational training where the later imparted skills are suitable just for home or cottage industry.

This does not have much impact to modern day industrialisation and if properly addressed, the Growth Points might not attain much benefits from Command Agriculture. It’s sad for rural farmers to toil hard on land, produce crops that are bought for a song by black marketers and never to benefit from the value that is later created.

Only a few Growth Points have graduated into towns thus achieving the goal of triggering national industrial development. For example, Mupandawana Growth Point has grown into a town, thus showing the applicability of the growth point policy as a development strategy in Zimbabwe.

Rural urban migration has a negative impact on urban centres as it overburdens utilities that were just meant for a few residents. Harare has over two million people who live and stay in the city and had authorities promoted the growth point concept, there will be less pressure on the urban infrastructure.

Its only industries in urban centres that have benefited from large influx of labour and increased market from growth centres, thus there is adequate supply of cheap labour for industries.

Dr Gono

The appointment of the Special Economic Zones board led by former Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Dr Gideon Gono this week is a welcome development that will enhance speedy implementation of the investment attracting programme.

We applaud Government for moving fast in appointing the board because the Special Economic Zones Act that was passed last year left all the arrangements for the special trading areas to be decided by the board. These include setting the export incentives and coming up with rules and regulations that govern selected trading areas.

There was no way investors would rush to establish themselves in the reserved trading areas without knowing the benefit. It is in the same spirit of progress in establishing the SEZs that we urge Dr Gono’s board to move fast in clearing all the questions that could have been holding investors back.

We note that the board is well-balanced in terms of the human resources skills composition and coming up with clear policies should not present challenges.

Elsewhere, especially in some Asian countries, SEZs have proved to be an economic game changer. The SEZs have showed that they can be key attractions for investment into any country if properly managed.

In China, for example, that country’s reform and opening up policy in 1978 included the establishment of SEZs to attract foreign investment. It is such SEZs which are largely credited for the rising of China as an economic giant to become the world’s number two economic colossus.

One of the success stories, Shenzhen, that was designated as an SEZ, developed from a small fishing village in the 1980s to a city with a population of over 15 million within 20 years.

We are not advocating taking the Chinese example hook, line and sinker, we have an option to choose aspects that only apply to our vision, our situation and our development ambitions.

The SEZ board is the final piece of the puzzle and the cornerstone of the initiative as it will drive the process of establishing the SEZs. We hope that the board will literary hit the ground running, as the economy is in critical need of new investment.

In this regard, the board needs to come up with attractive measures that will persuade investors that have hitherto been sitting on the fence. The foundation for the SEZs is already in the Zim-Asset economic blueprint.

We hope to see some movement soon on the seven areas earmarked for the SEZs. These are Mutare for diamond cutting and polishing, industry and manufacturing for Bulawayo, petroleum and IT in Harare, chemical and gas production in Lupane, tourism in Gwayi-Victoria Falls, agro-processing in Norton and textile processing in Kadoma.

Sunway City Integrated Industrial Park in Harare, which together with the Victoria Falls financial hub and the Bulawayo industrial hub have been selected for trial runs before the SEZ initiative is spread to the rest of the country, has already demonstrated its potential to lure investment.

It is already home to PPC’s $85 million cement grinding plant, which was commissioned by President Mugabe in March this year. The plant was the first investment into the park after it was designated as an SEZ.

The SEZ board should ensure that the momentum that has gathered so far gains traction going forward by engaging those investors that have already shown a keen interest in the initiative.

The China Industrial International Group has already identified 50 hectares of land for development of an agricultural SEZ in Norton, while another 100ha for another SEZ specialising in agriculture has been earmarked in Mazowe.

Chinese firm, Qingdao Hengshun Zhongsheng Group, is also reported to be on the verge of setting up a $6 billion industrial park in Zimbabwe.

If properly nurtured such investment has the capacity to transform the country’s economy because SEZ by nature bring in new technologies and increase in production.

They eventually lead to quick industrialisation of the economy. In pushing the SEZ initiative, it is important for the board to be wary of pitfalls that lie ahead.

The Zimbabwe Economic Policy Analysis and Research Unit (ZEPARU) contends that SEZs are largely a tenuous initiative that can sometimes prove to be unreliable.

The reasons for this poor performance, according to the unit, include a poor choice of location and insufficient strategic planning and management; inadequate infrastructure, for example in access roads, energy, water and ineffective policy, regulatory and institutional frameworks.